israeli – On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settl…

israeli – On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settl…

On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[38] A number of Palestinian non-Israeli citizens (as opposed to Arab citizens of Israel) also reside in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem,[39] however, over 300,000 Israeli citizens (both Jewish citizens of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel) lived in settlements in East Jerusalem, and over 20,000 Israeli citizens lived in settlements in the Golan Heights.[40][41][42] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israeli citizens living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israeli citizens living in East Jerusalem.[43] As of 30 January 2020, there are about 130 government-approved settlements, and 100 unofficial ones, which are home to around 400,000 Israelis in the West Bank, with an additional 200,000 Israelis residing in 12 neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.[44][45] Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods. On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[38] A number of Palestinian non-Israeli citizens (as opposed to Arab citizens of Israel) also reside in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem,[39] however, over 300,000 Israeli citizens (both Jewish citizens of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel) lived in settlements in East Jerusalem, and over 20,000 Israeli citizens lived in settlements in the Golan Heights.[40][41][42] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israeli citizens living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israeli citizens living in East Jerusalem.[43] As of 30 January 2020, there are about 130 government-approved settlements, and 100 unofficial ones, which are home to around 400,000 Israelis in the West Bank, with an additional 200,000 Israelis residing in 12 neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.[44][45] Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods.1996 amendment to an Israeli military order, states that land privately owned can not be part of a settlement, unless the land in question has been confiscated for military purposes.[125] In 2006 Peace Now acquired a report, which it claims was leaked from the Israeli Government’s Civil Administration, indicating that up to 40 percent of the land Israel plans to retain in the West Bank is privately owned by Palestinians.[161] Peace Now called this a violation of Israeli law.[162] Peace Now published a comprehensive report about settlements on private lands.[163][164] In the wake of a legal battle, Peace Now lowered the figure to 32 percent, which the Civil Administration also denied.[165]The Washington Post reported that “The 38-page report offers what appears to be a comprehensive argument against the Israeli government’s contention that it avoids building on private land, drawing on the state’s own data to make the case.”[166] In February 2008, the Civil Administration stated that the land on which more than a third of West Bank settlements was built had been expropriated by the IDF for “security purposes.”[167] The unauthorized seizure of private Palestinian land was defined by the Civil Administration itself as ‘theft.'[168] According to B’Tselem, more than 42 percent of the West Bank are under control of the Israeli settlements, 21 percent of which was seized from private Palestinian owners, much of it in violation of the 1979 Israeli Supreme Court decision.[102] In 1979, the government decided to extend settlements or build new ones only on “state lands”.[65][125] A. On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[38] A number of Palestinian non-Israeli citizens (as opposed to Arab citizens of Israel) also reside in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem,[39] however, over 300,000 Israeli citizens (both Jewish citizens of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel) lived in settlements in East Jerusalem, and over 20,000 Israeli citizens lived in settlements in the Golan Heights.[40][41][42] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israeli citizens living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israeli citizens living in East Jerusalem.[43] As of 30 January 2020, there are about 130 government-approved settlements, and 100 unofficial ones, which are home to around 400,000 Israelis in the West Bank, with an additional 200,000 Israelis residing in 12 neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.[44][45] Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods.1996 amendment to an Israeli military order, states that land privately owned can not be part of a settlement, unless the land in question has been confiscated for military purposes.[125] In 2006 Peace Now acquired a report, which it claims was leaked from the Israeli Government’s Civil Administration, indicating that up to 40 percent of the land Israel plans to retain in the West Bank is privately owned by Palestinians.[161] Peace Now called this a violation of Israeli law.[162] Peace Now published a comprehensive report about settlements on private lands.[163][164] In the wake of a legal battle, Peace Now lowered the figure to 32 percent, which the Civil Administration also denied.[165]The Washington Post reported that “The 38-page report offers what appears to be a comprehensive argument against the Israeli government’s contention that it avoids building on private land, drawing on the state’s own data to make the case.”[166] In February 2008, the Civil Administration stated that the land on which more than a third of West Bank settlements was built had been expropriated by the IDF for “security purposes.”[167] The unauthorized seizure of private Palestinian land was defined by the Civil Administration itself as ‘theft.'[168] According to B’Tselem, more than 42 percent of the West Bank are under control of the Israeli settlements, 21 percent of which was seized from private Palestinian owners, much of it in violation of the 1979 Israeli Supreme Court decision.[102] In 1979, the government decided to extend settlements or build new ones only on “state lands”.[65][125] A.Gershon Mesika, the head of the regional council, declared that the award was a certificate of honour of its educators and the settlement youth who proved their quality and excellence.[273] IDF soldiers and Israeli settlers, 2009 In 1983 an Israeli government plan entitled “Master Plan and Development Plan for Settlement in Samaria and Judea” envisaged placing a “maximally large Jewish population” in priority areas to accomplish incorporation of the West Bank in the Israeli “national system”.[274] According to Ariel Sharon, strategic settlement locations would work to preclude the formation of a Palestinian state.[275] Palestinians argue that the policy of settlements constitutes an effort to preempt or sabotage a peace treaty that includes Palestinian sovereignty, and claim that the presence of settlements harm the ability to have a viable and contiguous state.[276][277] This was also the view of the Israeli Vice Prime Minister Haim Ramon in 2008, saying “the pressure to enlarge Ofra and other settlements does not stem from a housing shortage, but rather is an attempt to undermine any chance of reaching an agreement with the Palestinians …”[278] The Israel Foreign Ministry asserts that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.[279][280][281] Based on this, they assert that: Prior to the signing of the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, the eruption of the First Intifada, down to the signing of the Israel–Jordan peace treaty in 1994, Israeli governments on the left and right argued that the settlements were of strategic and tactical importance. On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[38] A number of Palestinian non-Israeli citizens (as opposed to Arab citizens of Israel) also reside in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem,[39] however, over 300,000 Israeli citizens (both Jewish citizens of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel) lived in settlements in East Jerusalem, and over 20,000 Israeli citizens lived in settlements in the Golan Heights.[40][41][42] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israeli citizens living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israeli citizens living in East Jerusalem.[43] As of 30 January 2020, there are about 130 government-approved settlements, and 100 unofficial ones, which are home to around 400,000 Israelis in the West Bank, with an additional 200,000 Israelis residing in 12 neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.[44][45] Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods.1996 amendment to an Israeli military order, states that land privately owned can not be part of a settlement, unless the land in question has been confiscated for military purposes.[125] In 2006 Peace Now acquired a report, which it claims was leaked from the Israeli Government’s Civil Administration, indicating that up to 40 percent of the land Israel plans to retain in the West Bank is privately owned by Palestinians.[161] Peace Now called this a violation of Israeli law.[162] Peace Now published a comprehensive report about settlements on private lands.[163][164] In the wake of a legal battle, Peace Now lowered the figure to 32 percent, which the Civil Administration also denied.[165]The Washington Post reported that “The 38-page report offers what appears to be a comprehensive argument against the Israeli government’s contention that it avoids building on private land, drawing on the state’s own data to make the case.”[166] In February 2008, the Civil Administration stated that the land on which more than a third of West Bank settlements was built had been expropriated by the IDF for “security purposes.”[167] The unauthorized seizure of private Palestinian land was defined by the Civil Administration itself as ‘theft.'[168] According to B’Tselem, more than 42 percent of the West Bank are under control of the Israeli settlements, 21 percent of which was seized from private Palestinian owners, much of it in violation of the 1979 Israeli Supreme Court decision.[102] In 1979, the government decided to extend settlements or build new ones only on “state lands”.[65][125] A.Gershon Mesika, the head of the regional council, declared that the award was a certificate of honour of its educators and the settlement youth who proved their quality and excellence.[273] IDF soldiers and Israeli settlers, 2009 In 1983 an Israeli government plan entitled “Master Plan and Development Plan for Settlement in Samaria and Judea” envisaged placing a “maximally large Jewish population” in priority areas to accomplish incorporation of the West Bank in the Israeli “national system”.[274] According to Ariel Sharon, strategic settlement locations would work to preclude the formation of a Palestinian state.[275] Palestinians argue that the policy of settlements constitutes an effort to preempt or sabotage a peace treaty that includes Palestinian sovereignty, and claim that the presence of settlements harm the ability to have a viable and contiguous state.[276][277] This was also the view of the Israeli Vice Prime Minister Haim Ramon in 2008, saying “the pressure to enlarge Ofra and other settlements does not stem from a housing shortage, but rather is an attempt to undermine any chance of reaching an agreement with the Palestinians …”[278] The Israel Foreign Ministry asserts that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.[279][280][281] Based on this, they assert that: Prior to the signing of the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, the eruption of the First Intifada, down to the signing of the Israel–Jordan peace treaty in 1994, Israeli governments on the left and right argued that the settlements were of strategic and tactical importance.we have no intention of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing settlements.”[308] In March 2010, the Netanyahu government announced plans for building 1,600 housing units in Ramat Shlomo across the Green Line in East Jerusalem during U.S. Vice President Joe Biden’s visit to Israel causing a diplomatic row.[309] On 6 September 2010, Jordanian King Abdullah II and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad said that Israel would need to withdraw from all of the lands occupied in 1967 in order to achieve peace with the Palestinians.[310] Bradley Burston has said that a negotiated or unilateral withdraw from most of the settlements in the West Bank is gaining traction in Israel.[311] In November 2010, the United States offered to “fight against efforts to delegitimize Israel” and provide extra arms to Israel in exchange for a continuation of the settlement freeze and a final peace agreement, but failed to come to an agreement with the Israelis on the exact terms.[312][313] In December 2010, the United States criticised efforts by the Palestinian Authority to impose borders for the two states through the United Nations rather than through direct negotiations between the two sides.[314] In February 2011, it vetoed a draft resolution to condemn all Jewish settlements established in the occupied Palestinian territory since 1967 as illegal.[315] The resolution, which was supported by all other Security Council members and co-sponsored by nearly 120 nations,[316] would have demanded that “Israel, as the occupying power, immediately and completely ceases all settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem and that it fully respect its legal obligations in this regard.”[317] The U.S. representative said that while it agreed that the settlements were illegal, the resolution would harm chances for negotiations.[317] Israel’s deputy Foreign Minister, Daniel Ayalon, said that the “UN serves as a rubber stamp for the Arab countries and, as such, the General Assembly has an automatic majority,” and that the vote “proved that the United States is the only country capable of advancing the peace process and the only righteous one speaking the truth: that direct talks between Israel and the Palestinians are required.”[318] Palestinian negotiators, however, have refused to resume direct talks until Israel ceases all settlement activity.[317] In November 2009, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu issued a 10-month settlement freeze in the West Bank in an attempt to restart negotiations with the Palestinians.

A significant portion of JNF lands were originally properties left behind by Palestinian “absentees” and as a result the legitimacy of some JNF land ownership has been a matter of dispute.[125][128][129][130] The JNF purchased these lands from the State of Israel between 1949 and 1953, after the state took control of them according to the Absentee Properties Law.[131][132] While the JNF charter specifies the land is for the use of the Jewish People, land has been leased to Bedouin herders.[133] Nevertheless, JNF land policy has been criticized as discrimination.[131] When the Israel Land Administration leased JNF land to Arabs, it took control of the land in question and compensated the JNF with an equivalent amount of land in areas not designated for development (generally in the Galilee and the Negev), thus ensuring that the total amount of land owned by the JNF remains the same.[132][134] This was a complicated and controversial mechanism, and in 2004 use of it was suspended.After Supreme Court discussions and a directive by the Attorney General instructing the ILA to lease JNF land to Arabs and Jews alike, in September 2007 the JNF suggested reinstating the land-exchange mechanism.[132][135] While the JNF and the ILA view an exchange of lands as a long-term solution, opponents say that such maneuvers privatize municipal lands and preserve a situation in which significant lands in Israel are not available for use by all of its citizens.[126] As of 2007, the High Court delayed ruling on JNF policy regarding leasing lands to non-Jews,[126] and changes to the ILA-JNF relationship were up in the air.[132]Adalah and other organizations furthermore express concern that proposed severance of the relation between the ILA and JNF, as suggested by Ami Ayalon, would leave the JNF free to retain the same proportion of lands for Jewish uses as it seeks to settle hundreds of thousands of Jews in areas with a tenuous Jewish demographic majority (in particular, 100,000 Jews in existing Galilee communities[131] and 250,000 Jews in new Negev communities via the Blueprint Negev).Notable incidents include the Coastal Road Massacre (25 adults and 13 children killed, 71 injured),[125][142] the Avivim school bus massacre (3 adults and 9 children killed, 25 injured),[143] the Kiryat Shmona massacre (9 adults and 9 children killed, 15 injured),[144] the Lod Airport massacre (26 killed, 79 injured),[145] and the Ma’alot massacre (8 adults and 23 children killed, 70 injured).[146] Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs lists 96 fatal terror attacks against Israelis from September 1993 to September 2000, of which 16 were bombing attacks, resulting in 269 deaths.[147] During the Second Intifada, a period of increased violence from September 2000 to 2005, Palestinians carried out 152 suicide bombings and attempted to carry out over 650 more.

The EU reiterates that it will not recognize any changes to the pre-1967 borders including with regard to Jerusalem, other than those agreed by the parties.”[122] The report by all EU foreign ministers also criticized the Israeli government’s failure to dismantle settler outposts illegal even under domestic Israeli law.”[122] Israel denies that the Israeli settlements are in breach of any international laws.[123] The Israeli Supreme Court has yet to rule decisively on settlement legality under the Geneva Convention.[124]2012 UN report on settlements The United Nations Human Rights Commission decided in March 2012 to establish a panel charged with investigating “the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.”[125] In reaction the government of Israel ceased cooperating with the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights and boycotted the UN Human Rights Commission.

I will swallow you peacefully…”.[24] The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has its roots in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the birth of major nationalist movements among the Jews and among the Arabs, both geared towards attaining sovereignty for their people in the Middle East.[25] The Balfour Declaration was a public statement issued by the British government in 1917 during the First World War announcing support for the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine.[26] The collision between those two movements in southern Levant upon the emergence of Palestinian nationalism after the Franco-Syrian War in the 1920s escalated into the Sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine in 1930s and 1940s, and expanded into the wider Arab–Israeli conflict later on.[27] The return of several hard-line Palestinian Arab nationalists, under the emerging leadership of Haj Amin al-Husseini, from Damascus to Mandatory Palestine marked the beginning of Palestinian Arab nationalist struggle towards establishment of a national home for Arabs of Palestine.[28] Amin al-Husseini, the architect of the Palestinian Arab national movement, immediately marked Jewish national movement and Jewish immigration to Palestine as the sole enemy to his cause,[29] initiating large-scale riots against the Jews as early as 1920 in Jerusalem and in 1921 in Jaffa.

such violations have occurred since the inception of the Israeli–Lebanese conflict, and have happened continuously and almost daily since the 2006 Lebanon war, being the source of much conflict between Lebanon and Israel.[130] Israeli warplanes sometimes stage mock attacks on Lebanese cities, and emit sonic booms that frighten civilians.[131][132] In 2007 the Lebanese government complained that Israeli planes had flown into Lebanese airspace 290 times within four months, and that Israeli troops had crossed the border 52 times.[133] In 2006 French Defense Minister Michele Alliot-Marie stated: “I remind that the violations of the airspace are extremely dangerous, they are dangerous first because they may be felt as hostile by forces of the coalition that could be brought to retaliate in cases of self defense and it would be a very serious incident.”[134] US officials on visit in Israel also demanded that Israel stop the overflights since they undermined the standing of Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora.[135] On 19 August 2010, the Lebanese military reported that 12 aircraft belonging to the IDF entered into Lebanese territory, which they claim is a violation of Resolution 1701.

On 30 June 2014, according to the Yesha Council, 382,031 Israeli citizens lived in the 121 officially recognised Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[38] A number of Palestinian non-Israeli citizens (as opposed to Arab citizens of Israel) also reside in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem,[39] however, over 300,000 Israeli citizens (both Jewish citizens of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel) lived in settlements in East Jerusalem, and over 20,000 Israeli citizens lived in settlements in the Golan Heights.[40][41][42] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israeli citizens living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israeli citizens living in East Jerusalem.[43] As of 30 January 2020, there are about 130 government-approved settlements, and 100 unofficial ones, which are home to around 400,000 Israelis in the West Bank, with an additional 200,000 Israelis residing in 12 neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.[44][45] Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods.1996 amendment to an Israeli military order, states that land privately owned can not be part of a settlement, unless the land in question has been confiscated for military purposes.[125] In 2006 Peace Now acquired a report, which it claims was leaked from the Israeli Government’s Civil Administration, indicating that up to 40 percent of the land Israel plans to retain in the West Bank is privately owned by Palestinians.[161] Peace Now called this a violation of Israeli law.[162] Peace Now published a comprehensive report about settlements on private lands.[163][164] In the wake of a legal battle, Peace Now lowered the figure to 32 percent, which the Civil Administration also denied.[165]The Washington Post reported that “The 38-page report offers what appears to be a comprehensive argument against the Israeli government’s contention that it avoids building on private land, drawing on the state’s own data to make the case.”[166] In February 2008, the Civil Administration stated that the land on which more than a third of West Bank settlements was built had been expropriated by the IDF for “security purposes.”[167] The unauthorized seizure of private Palestinian land was defined by the Civil Administration itself as ‘theft.'[168] According to B’Tselem, more than 42 percent of the West Bank are under control of the Israeli settlements, 21 percent of which was seized from private Palestinian owners, much of it in violation of the 1979 Israeli Supreme Court decision.[102] In 1979, the government decided to extend settlements or build new ones only on “state lands”.[65][125] A.Gershon Mesika, the head of the regional council, declared that the award was a certificate of honour of its educators and the settlement youth who proved their quality and excellence.[273] IDF soldiers and Israeli settlers, 2009 In 1983 an Israeli government plan entitled “Master Plan and Development Plan for Settlement in Samaria and Judea” envisaged placing a “maximally large Jewish population” in priority areas to accomplish incorporation of the West Bank in the Israeli “national system”.[274] According to Ariel Sharon, strategic settlement locations would work to preclude the formation of a Palestinian state.[275] Palestinians argue that the policy of settlements constitutes an effort to preempt or sabotage a peace treaty that includes Palestinian sovereignty, and claim that the presence of settlements harm the ability to have a viable and contiguous state.[276][277] This was also the view of the Israeli Vice Prime Minister Haim Ramon in 2008, saying “the pressure to enlarge Ofra and other settlements does not stem from a housing shortage, but rather is an attempt to undermine any chance of reaching an agreement with the Palestinians …”[278] The Israel Foreign Ministry asserts that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.[279][280][281] Based on this, they assert that: Prior to the signing of the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, the eruption of the First Intifada, down to the signing of the Israel–Jordan peace treaty in 1994, Israeli governments on the left and right argued that the settlements were of strategic and tactical importance.

5 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli forces during military raids that led to armed confrontations at the West Bank.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *